2014. vol. 9. No. 2

The article analyses the United Kingdom’s implementation of soft power instruments in five policy areas of international cultural and humanitarian cooperation: culture and language promotion; collaboration in education; cooperation in the sphere of science, technology and innovation; strengthening business relations, public diplomacy (youth exchanges, activi­ties of non-governmental organizations [NGOs], etc.); and international development assistance.

The author examines the priorities, goals and objectives; key stakeholders; regulatory framework; system of institu­tions, mechanisms and tools; financing system and accounting mechanisms; information and communication systems; and evaluation systems.

Considering the results of the analysis, the author concludes that the combination of various aspects of international cultural and humanitarian cooperation contributes to the achievement of the main goal of the UK’s soft power policy, name­ly, ensuring the influence and successful promotion of national values abroad. The author identified key factors of the soft power policy success, including clear objectives for cooperation in each area; due consideration of national circumstances and the level of the economic development of partner countries; sustainability of activities in those countries; effective co­ordination among relevant authorities; active involvement of NGOs in collaborative processes; as well as transparency and well-developed tools for assessing the effectiveness of the soft power policy. The resource of influence in partner countries is generated primarily through activities in business relations, public diplomacy and international development assistance. However, policies in other areas also contribute to the effective implementation of the UK’s soft power strategy. 

The article analyzes Germany’s soft power. According to the German government’s report on cultural foreign policy in 2010–2011, educational and cultural foreign policy are supporting elements its foreign policy. This position characterizes the agenda of many soft power actors.

Germany has developed a unique system of soft power. Non-governmental organizations including political foundations prevail among its main actors. Their major sources of funds are federal and regional budgets, their own income, membership fees and donations. Their activities focus on education, science, culture, economic relations and international development. Soft power actors prioritize the German language and culture, promoting democracy, developing scientific and economic relations, and positioning German goods, services and educational facilities. The author emphasizes the variety and integrity of German soft power, which is well coordinated and open. Germany’s soft power often receives high evaluations in international rankings and research reports.

The author reviews the main soft power agents activities in 10 countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. Among these countries, Brazil is a top target of Germany’s soft power, which multifaceted, sophisticated and well developed. Germany also pays attention to cooperation with Ukraine, Vietnam and Kazakhstan. Mongolia, Armenia and Azerbaijan receive less attention, and there are few German programs and soft power tools. However, more broadly, Germany has increased its interest towards the countries analyzed. 

The article reviews Italy’s soft power policy in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine and Vietnam. It concentrates on four key aspects: national culture and language; education and technical cooperation; business contacts; and international development assistance.

The cross-country analysis revealed the main forms and mechanisms of Italy’s soft power policy as well as its priorities and organizational set-up. Italy prioritizes national language and culture promotion, the internationalization of Italian companies and the expansion of trade with emerging economies as the main goals of its soft power policy. Both state and non-state actors are involved in Italy’s efforts in these areas. Italian embassies coordinate the activities of various actors in their respective countries and are responsible for the allocation of finances for their operations.

The study also allowed to highlight the countries of special interest for Italy. These are Brazil and Vietnam, where Italian soft power actors were the most active from 2009 to 2013. Italy’s approach to cooperation with these countries is more systematic, consistent and comprehensive, compared to other countries analyzed in the study.

Italy continues to develop cooperation with the former Soviet countries as well. In these countries Italian soft power mostly takes form of cultural and language promotion activities, with less attention paid to business interests.

The article presents the concepts, mechanisms and practical steps undertaken by Canada for its soft power application. As a middle power, Canada uses soft power for foreign policy purposes, engaging frequently in actions humanitarian engagement, peacekeeping and official development assistance. The country occupies a respectable position in the modern international mosaic. Canadian foreign policy has included several theoretical approaches developed by Canadians, such as multilateralism and the concept of human security. Canadian values such as multiculturalism, protection of minority rights, gender equality and peacekeeping, are supported by scientific development and concrete practice and now promoted abroad. Those values include multiculturalism, the protection of minority rights, gender equality and peacekeeping. The ideology of Canadian values remains important for domestic purposes, creating the common ground for a multi-ethnic society that includes many immigrants.

Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs, Development and Trade is responsible for promoting Canadian values beyond the country’s boundaries, through programs that provide economic and humanitarian assistance, develop commercial and scientific-technical relations, and support academic cooperation in various countries. Civil society organizations, including those created by decisions of the Parliament, play an active role and are engaged in education, research projects, healthcare delivery and volunteering. Universities play a special role in Canadian soft power by developing academic relations in many countries and, importantly, attracting a significant number of foreign students. Finally, immigrant and ethnic communities, maintaining the direct relations with their former countries, are a vital resource for the application of Canadian soft power. The article considers special features and specific forms of soft power characteristic to Canada.

The article considers China’s development of its soft power policy. The analysis focuses on seven major directions of that policy: the popularization of the Chinese language, the promotion of Chinese classical and modern culture, the expansion of education contacts; the development of economic ties, the provision of foreign aid, the promotion of public diplomacy and compatriots policy.

The author explores the main problems and successful results of China’s use of soft power, and the major mechanisms and tools of its implementation.

The analysis found that Confucius Institutes and classes are the most important tool for popularizing the Chinese language. Chinese cultural centres and various cultural meetings promote China’s traditional culture effectively. China actively develops education links with other countries; it attracts increasing numbers of international students, with more than 360,000 going to China in 2013. The most effective illustration of China’s soft power success is the country’s spread and development of international economic partnerships, achieved through instruments and techniques such as exhibitions, external investment and swap agreements. China also provides much aid to developing countries, preferring bilateral channels over multilateral mechanisms. Unique aspects of China’s soft power include “panda diplomacy” and disaster diplomacy. China frequently promotes its soft power through its diaspora (huaqiao), and has structured those contacts and links using a legal base and powerful governmental mechanisms.

Nevertheless, China’s soft power policy remains rather weak. This is due to two reasons. The first is the lack of generally accepted and recognized moral narratives in its soft power policy. The second is the problem of the “target audience” of China’s soft power, which are the governments of foreign countries rather than their societies.

The article deals with the soft power component in U.S. foreign strategy as both a concept and a mechanism. In the last two decades, the use of soft power has increased because of numerous restrictions on hard power. The authors distinguish between a country’s (inherent) passive soft power and its active, activity-based part, and discuss the methods of applying soft power to practical policy. They find that soft power has a long-term and less operational character, is difficult to manage and does not serve the resolution of tactical foreign policy issues. At the same time, soft power is more effective than hard power in some instances, such as when a more permanent outcome is sought.

In the last decade the United States has used its soft power more actively and purposefully. While it has always possessed significant passive soft power, actively promulgated its ideals and tried to maintain a favourable image abroad, the United States began paying special attention to soft power after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the war of terror began. Today the U.S. government is effectively combining the soft and hard power used by its different agencies.

U.S. soft power has been applied intensively to the post-Soviet region, because public and political life there is commonly marked by a vacuum of values and ideas, giving the United States the opportunity to fill it.

Consequently, Russia should study US best practices in the use of soft power and apply them not to counter U.S. influence in the region but rather to project its own influence on the post-Soviet space. 

This article provides a historical background and analysis of Turkey soft power policy, its concept and tools. Turkey’s use of soft power in Eurasian countries is facilitated by its history and position at the intersection between Europe and Asia, as well as ethnic, religious and linguistic communities on its territory. Over the last two decades, complex internal and external factors have transformed its soft power policy and enhanced its influence in the countries where it has geopolitical interests, especially in Caucasus and Central Asia. The main external factor was the formation of new independent states after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Turkey’s foreign policy approach was transformed by the rise to power of the centre-right conservative Justice and Development Party in 2002. Democratic reforms reduced the military’s influence over foreign policy, strengthened civil society and increased the active participation of actors such as business and civil society organizations in foreign policy. In addition foreign affairs minister Ahmet Davuto lu’s new approach of “Zero Problems with Our Neighbours,” based on the doctrine of strategic depth (Stratejik Derinlik) and using political dialogue, economic interdependence and cultural harmony, reinforced Turkish soft power. Moreover, protests in the Middle East and North Africa led to a consideration of the Turkish state model as an example to be followed. Another important factor was Turkey’s participation in various international institutions.

The efficient use of soft power strategies, tools and activities in language promotion, education and scientific cooperation, business collaboration and development assistance by Turkish diplomats and experts in international relations has resulted in a positive and attractive international image of Turkey. Turkey implements its soft power policy through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. For example, it established the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States (CCTS), the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-Speaking Countries (TURKPA) and the Joint Administration of Turkic Culture and Art (TÜRKSOY) to increase collaboration with target countries.

Despite of the positive outcomes from soft power, Turkey needs a multidimensional strategy to promote its influence abroad that takes into account key foreign policy objectives such as negotiations with the European Union and decreasing tensions with Syria and Cyprus. 

The article discusses France’s use of soft power and its policy of influence. The analysis examines the increasing importance of tools that enable efficient cultural and humanitarian cooperation in modern international relations. The French experience demonstrates the ability to achieve results through the formation of an image as international peacemaker. France claims the universal values of democracy and takes into account the traditions of each country. French foreign policy uses soft power to strengthen the influence and role of France as a leading power, while recognizing the need to update and improve diplomatic methods to promote French values globally.

The author analyzes French activities in five aspects of soft power: the promotion of culture and language; cooperation in education, science and technology; the development of business relations; public diplomacy; and international assistance. The article discusses the main mechanisms and tools of France’s international cultural and humanitarian cooperation. Despite the decentralization of French soft power policy, the country uses optimal policy instruments in interconnected organizational forms in different policy areas. The interaction of the organizations responsible for international cultural, scientific and technical cooperation is demonstrated using the examples of seven countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States and in Vietnam, Mongolia and Brazil.

The author concludes that a combination of soft power mechanisms and policy areas ensures the influence and promotion of France’s national values. The most effective manifestations of soft power are French language and culture, and the most obvious expression is the phenomenon of la Francophonie. 

The article explores the relatively new issue of marketing soft power. The authors compare the most advanced foreign and domestic models of national brand management, identify factors of image building and methods of evaluating the effectiveness of the branding of individual countries. Reflecting on the current situation with regard to the Russian brand, the authors argue in favour of application of foreign countries’ experience in information management in Russia. The article presents evidence that Russia needs to develop a systemic approach to its country brand formation and the corresponding system of management.

Image positioning in global cultural and humanitarian space is considered on the basis of the most authoritative rating models and indexes of soft power evaluation. The authors describe methodologies of the formation of those models and indexes and analyze their strengths and weaknesses. Drawing on the assessment of five most authoritative and regularly updated soft power indexes, the authors compile “a rating of ratings” and identify the most elaborate index. The article concludes with a proposition to develop a new transparent and scientifically grounded rating system (e.g., the “Power of Image Index” or “Soft Power Conveners”), building on the strengths of the existing indices and taking into account the characteristics of Russian soft power. 

Foreign policy uses a wide range of soft power policy instruments and models. It is thus useful to identify the best practices, key tools and approaches that ensure the sustainability and coherence of policy, as well as the connecting elements that allow a country to coordinate its foreign policy actions.

This article analyzes the experience of China, the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom and the European Union in five areas: the promotion of language and culture; cooperation in the fields of education, science and technology; business relations; public diplomacy; and official development cooperation.

The article is based on the expert survey conducted by National Research University Higher School of Economics in December 2013. The sample includes experts of the international relations engaged in Russian foreign affairs, as well as development cooperation. The results of the expert survey allowed to identify the tools ensuring the most impact and best application of soft power in various socioeconomic and political conditions.

The identified tools are structured into a system of interconnected organizational forms with five areas or clusters of influence. Key institutions acting in the five areas constitute the centres of sustainability of the respective clusters. Structural cohesion is ensured by connecting elements such as regulatory frameworks, resources, coordination mechanisms, visa regimes, and communication and public relations.