http://iorj.hse.ru en-us Copyright 2025 Tue, 23 Dec 2025 18:42:34 +0300 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1112165510.html The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and Paris Climate Agreement, adopted in 2015, set new global strategies for the development of humanity. However, the turbulent global environment and increasing trends of deglobalisation hinder the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and require a critical analysis of the tasks and indicators, particularly within the institutional SDGs 16 and 17. For Russia, transitioning to sustainable and low-carbon development is highly relevant, as evidenced by the adoption of several legal acts and other documents. However, the 2022 crisis has altered the country’s cooperation directions, including those within the framework of national strategies, and deepened ties with BRICS countries. In this context, a comparative assessment of the achievement of institutional SDGs by BRICS countries is of particular importance, as it may help to adjust cooperation mechanisms in the future. This study employs a systematic approach to developing sustainable development indicators using special metrics based on the SDGs, as well as an integrated approach to these indicators.The article analyses the progress made in achieving the SDGs at the global level, focusing on SDGs 16 and 17. A quantitative assessment of Russia's performance in these SDGs based on national data is conducted, using two methodologies: the UN approach and the approach proposed by D. Sachs and colleagues, with the advantages and disadvantages of each highlighted in the study. Based on Rosstat`s UN indicators, adjusted for data availability in BRICS countries, the study provides a comparative assessment of the progress of BRICS nations in achieving SDGs 16 and 17. Furthermore, the authors conduct a more in-depth comparative evaluation of BRICS countries by expanding the assessment framework with indicators from the Sachs methodology. Finally, the average achievement level of institutional goals by BRICS countries is calculated.The results revealed moderate and minimal progress, respectively, in Russia’s attainment of SDGs 16 and 17, reflecting the impact of sanctions and the overall global instability. The comparative evaluation of BRICS countries' progress on SDGs 16 and 17, using the UN and Sachs methodologies, yielded comparable yet slightly different results. Overall, Brazil, India, Russia, and China demonstrate approximately the same level of achievement of institutional SDGs, with South Africa showing the lowest scores.This article was submitted 09.12.2024The study was conducted under the state assignment of Lomonosov Moscow State University (theme No. 122041800064–6 “Ecological and economic problems of nature conservation and environmental Russia”) https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1112383458.html The article examines the phenomenon of lingua franca in multilateral diplomacy, with a focus on the instruments to preserve this status for individual languages and/or obtain it in the international organizations of the UN system. In historical retrospect, the role of a particular idiom as a language of international communication has been unstable. The emergence of international organizations and the consolidation of official and/or working languages in their statutory documents led to the institutionalization of the lingua franca in diplomacy.Drawing on administrative and budgetary documents, primarily the reports of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ) and profile resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly’s (UNGA) Fifth Committee, the authors identify key challenges in maintaining multilingualism in the United Nations (UN), including their financial and human resource dimensions. A scientific study of the status of language as a means of diplomatic communication requires an empirical analysis of current working and official idioms in the UN and a comparative study of the strategies of those languages that are still struggling to change their position within the organization.This study analyzes the status aspect of the diplomatic lingua franca in UN bodies through the prism of the system-structural school of international relations. Particular attention is paid to the financing of individual language sections, the nature of changes in their budgetary allocations and staffing as a reflection of the real influence of a particular language within the framework of the UN regular budget and voluntary earmarked contributions. It demonstrates that extrabudgetary instruments cannot radically change the status of a language within the organizationThis article was submitted 12.02.2025 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1112735803.html Since the early 1960s, international peacekeeping operations implemented under the UN mandate are thought to be one of the main instruments of international conflict management. Peacekeeping is presented as multidimensional, multistakeholder, and multilevel mechanism, which, evolving, is currently expected to deliver not only fundamental physical protection of civilian population in conflict zones, but also elements of peace-and state-building, including reconciliatory and reform-related activities. However, peacekeeping is often distorted by geopolitical contestations, which move back its modern purpose of supporting reconciliation towards more traditional, negative forms of peacekeeping. This allows one to formulate what can be named as realistic expectations from peacekeeping. The latter, as introduced in the first section of the work, contrary to the formally proclaimed objectives of operations, do not go further than the negative forms of peace. The second section further elaborates on the notion, explaining that geopolitics behind peacekeeping broadens the gap between promised and actual outcomes of peace, and suggesting that peacekeeping is rather utilised to construct and maintain control over more loyal local actors and to neglect or leave others behind. The second part also shows how sensitising and stigmatising can impact local ownership and the way it fits into the peacekeeping frameworks. The conclusion summarises the main arguments of the paper, suggesting a particular set of policies for contemporary peacekeeping practice based on the standpoints discussedThis article was submitted 26.09.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1112737120.html The article traces evolution of peacekeeping in Africa and takes the DRC as a case-study of the UN activity from 1960 deployment of ONUC to the latest deployment of MONUSCO. The article aims to establish the impact of the evolution of the UN in peacekeeping efforts in the DRC.  It will determine how the mandate has fared in enhancing peacekeeping efforts in the DRC and establish why the FIB has failed to neutralise the M23 after its resurgence.  The article asserts that the evolution of peacekeeping operations in Africa, particularly the FIB case, highlights the changing nature of peacekeeping efforts on the continent. The FIB’s establishment in 2013 as a part of MONUSCO represents a shift towards a more robust and proactive peacekeeping strategies. The authors found that although the evolution of peacekeeping in the DRC is viewed as a positive development towards the attainment of positive peace, it is not without its challenges. The lack of resources and continued interference of foreign players in African politics will always challenge the principle of African solutions to African problems. It is argued that some of the problems faced in the DRC are not African, but very much foreign or western due to the West’s insatiable desire for African resources. The holistic approach to addressing DRC problems, or any other armed African conflicts should involve the P5 members of the UN Security Council since some of them should be held accountable for their double standards.  Based on an interdisciplinary, historical and structural-functional approach, an interview method with AU experts, diplomats in the DRC and former MONUSCO staff, and a critical analysis of secondary sources and statistical data from the UN, AU, TNCs, this study examines the evolution of peacekeeping in Africa, with a particular focus on MONUSCO and its FIB.This article was submitted 29.11.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113078746.html The purpose of this work is to assess the impact of economic sanctions on the socio-economic development of the country. Regression control method based on Lasso is used in this studyto construct a "synthetic Russia" as a benchmark to capture the difference between Russia's actual economic performance and the predicted economic performance of "synthetic Russia". Empirical results show that the economic sanctions imposed by the United States and Europe on Russia since 2022 have a negative impact in the short term for the first four seasons right after sanction, the deviation of Russia's economic growth from the potential growth rate is relatively large. Russian economy was able to achieve significant growth in the year 2023 after a recession in 2022, the national economy has shown resilience against the economic sanctions.In the long run, the Russian economy has been attempting a broad-based recovery by implementing a set of counter- sanction measures.The article is based on the results of a study conducted with the financial support of the Russian Federation represented by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of Russia in the process of implementing the project “Management of Sustainable Development of Industrial Structures within the Concept of Water-Energy-Food” (application No. 075-15-2024-673)This article was submitted 21.10.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113079590.html The study examines the dynamics of Chinese exports by industrial product groups in the context of global trade from 2001 to 2024. Three periods are identified, reflecting differences in the dynamics of world exports, in particular, higher growth rates in the third period (2020-2024) compared to the second period (2012-2019), which is attributed to the declining share of energy in global exports as a result of falling prices after 2010-2012. Given the uniqueness and rapid evolution of China’s foreign economic policy, several international trade theories can explain the country’s experience. The study employs the indicator "world market capacity," defined as world imports excluding China’s imports, to assess potential demand for Chinese industrial exports. An analysis of the ratio of China’s exports to "world market capacity" confirms that the country’s industrial sector has consistently responded to global market signals over the decades. This is evidenced by the growth or stability of China’s export share in "global market capacity" across most product categories. The paper also analyzes key directions of China’s industrial policy and its impact on production competitiveness relative to major trade partners, particularly the EU and the U.S., which actively impose tariff restrictions on Chinese goods. Additionally, the role of Chinese exports to the U.S. by industrial product groups is examined, along with the potential sector-specific consequences of the tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump in 2025.This article was submitted 17.03.2025 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113256910.html The strategic hedging approach is a policy adopted by weaker states in response to more powerful states, particularly hegemonic powers, during periods of geopolitical order transition. Such countries select their strategies to minimise risks and challenges in the event of any shifts in the global power system. Given the current state of the global order, it appears that the structure of the global system is changing, and Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, which has historically been based on close relations with the United States, is now being redefined with other global powers like China and Russia. The Saudi Kingdom, anticipating a potential shift in the global structure, has organised its internal and external components to minimise challenges should the global order change. Therefore, it has adopted a foreign policy approach referred to as strategic hedging. This study uses neoclassical realism to examine Saudi Arabia's strategic hedging approach in its foreign policy towards the United States and China. The research is applied in nature and employs a qualitative methodology with a descriptive and analytical approach. Utilising library resources and documentary analysis, the study aims to answer the question: "What is Saudi Arabia's foreign policy approach within the framework of strategic hedging against the United States and China?" It appears that while Saudi Arabia maintains its cooperation with the United States, it has expanded its relations with China to mitigate risks associated with changes in the global order. The Kingdom has sought to engage economically, militarily, and politically with both global powers in a way that minimises risks to Saudi Arabia in the event of a potential hegemonic shift.This article was submitted 23.10.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113297027.html To defend Russian interests when the world order is changing, it is necessary to understand alternative approaches, especially which are aimed at maintaining Western centricity. In this regard it is important to evaluate the growth and usage of NATO`s power. The article examines the dynamics of the Alliance's capabilities to ensure its presence outside the area of ​​responsibility since the mid-1990s. The author presents the typology and the periodisation of this process. Methodically the theory of alliances and the theory of armed forces` building are used. The article explores NATO`s functioning taking into account the dialectic of relations between the United States and the largest European member states on NATO`s usage outside the Euro-Atlantic community. As indicators of practical priorities change in NATO`s activities the article explores the evolutions of Alliance`s groups outside zone of responsibility (dominance and then disappearance of the combat use of Air Force, non-forceful use of ground forces in favour of military instructors, advisers and creation of the network of political offices). From trying to become a security provider for the countries of origin of an armed conflict, the Alliance began to return to the traditional task to “deter” opponents (Russia, also China and Iran).The key forms of NATO`s presence outside the zone of responsibility in the mid 1990s – early 2010s were the air force operations and large-scale non-combat peacekeeping missions (in the Balkans and Afghanistan). The article explores their features, “narrow places”. Special attention is paid to the de-facto “strategic shock” for the USA from the inability to involve NATO in the land campaign in Iraq (2003), the air force operation in Syria (2013), and the consequences of this. In the 2010-s NATO has revealed the focus on the participation in the reform of security sector. By the mid 2020-s the clear has become the tendency of the politisation of presence forms. The author thinks how the trend is related to the confrontation with Russia and NATO`s difficulties in conflict settlement. The paper explores contemporary and perspective forms of the Alliance`s presence near the area of ​​responsibility (in the Arctic, post-Soviet space, Western Balkans) and far from it, including the Near East. It is important to determine the group of states and regional structures which have been key partners for NATO in its involvement in “containment” of the PRC. In the 2020s NATO has been using its political capabilities more actively, geographically sharply, is setting the conditions for the use of military tools in modernised forms.This article was submitted 10.10.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113312243.html The debate on the social ontology of the "international" has gained momentum in the field of International Relations (IR). This article expands the discussion by demonstrating that the "international" is not confined to a single ontology but can be conceptualised through three distinct ontological paradigms, corresponding to the political ontologies outlined by Roberto Esposito: the post-Heideggerian paradigm of negation, the Deleuzian paradigm of constitution, and the neo-Machiavellian paradigm of institution. The primary focus is placed on the paradigms of constitution and institution, as they offer broader opportunities for IR theory to influence adjacent disciplines.Within Gilles Deleuze’s ontology, the "international" aligns most closely with "smooth spaces" shaped by global flows and movements, which are not necessarily political in nature. The capitalist production of smooth space extends across all social domains, making IR—a discipline specialising in relations within smooth space—an important conceptual resource for enriching neighboring fields of study. Meanwhile, the neo-Machiavellian paradigm of political ontology, particularly as articulated in the works of Claude Lefort, provides a foundation for understanding the "international" as multi-level governance. This perspective is exemplified by Putnam’s two-level games and the theory of multi-level governance. Crucially, multi-level structures are not limited to international relations; they manifest across various social domains, suggesting that IR theory grounded in the neo-Machiavellian paradigm holds explanatory value beyond its traditional scope. For instance, multi-level dynamics can be observed in economics (e.g., Ronald Coase’s theory of the firm) and psychology (e.g., Eric Berne’s transactional analysis).This study demonstrates that embracing a multiple ontology of the "international" can help overcome the disciplinary crisis in IR by opening new conceptual avenues for understanding global processes through the synthesis of diverse theoretical and practical perspectivesThe paper was supported by the RSF grant No. 23-18-01045This article was submitted 15.11.2024 https://iorj.hse.ru/en/2025-20-4/1113357377.html Population migration due to climate change is one of the most negative consequences of global climate change (GCC). Natural disasters, environmental changes and related economic and social losses force people to change their place of residence. The number of people displaced by natural disasters exceeds the number of people migrating due to armed conflicts. The increase in the number of "climate migrants" affects the socio-economic and political situation of the countries of emigration, transit and immigration, and requires immediate solutions from the world community. The purpose of the study is to analyze the evolution of the discourse of "climate" migration within the framework of global climate policy, determine the stages of its development and institutionalization, characterize the spatial features of climate migration and strategies for counteracting forced displacement at the global, regional and national levels. In the evolution of the discourse of "climate" migration, 4 periods of development can be distinguished. The expansion and deepening of the climate migration topic, its semantic transformation and diffusion from the plane of scientific discussion to the segment of international, regional and national policy are chronologically traced. The process of institutionalization of the phenomenon of climate migration in world politics is not complete. The majority of climate migrants are noted in the least developed countries (LDCs). Strategies for adaptation and strengthening the climate resilience of LDCs are designed to minimize climate migration. Political tensions and conflicts are the main barriers to the implementation of climate policy goals as a tool for counteracting forced migration.The study was carried out within the framework of the state assignment of the Institute of Geography of the Russian Academy of Science “The social and economic space of Russia in the context of global transformation: internal and external challenges”, FMWS-2024-0008This article was submitted 29.01.2025