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2023. vol. 18. No. 3
Topic of the issue: Global governance. Competition and cooperation
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New Realities
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7–31
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Global inflation is one of the most significant challenges for the post-pandemic world economy. After several decadesof low inflation and even elements of deflationary processes in developed countries, the danger of falling into anew period of great inflation had seemed insignificant. Dovish monetary policy during the 2009–19 period did notprovoke a spike in inflation, and the slowdown of the economy during the lockdown period put the vigilance to rest.However, the COVID-19 pandemic and anti-crisis measures it triggered, the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and sanctionsand anti-sanctions solidified inflationary processes around the world, both in developed and developing countries.In this article, we show the inertial nature of inflation in both the U.S. and the European Union (EU) and arguethat there has been a transition to a high inflation regime, despite the decline in developed country inflation in thefirst quarter of 2023 mentioned in the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) January report. Getting out of this highinflation regime will require much more serious and time-consuming measures than those used to manage inflationin the low inflation regime. Acknowledgments: this work is an output of a research project “Assessment of the consequences of anti-Russiansanctions for the global economy,” implemented as part of the HSE University Project Group Competition atthe Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs. This article was submitted 07.03.2023 |
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32–47
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This article analyzes the American experience of creating and operating a virtual embassy in Iran. We consider theissue through the prism of the development of new information technologies and their applicability in the fields offoreign policy and diplomacy. In the Russian expert environment, this topic has not received due attention and reflection,although it could become an independent direction in academic study. Most importantly, the virtual embassycould offer a quick and relatively inexpensive solution to very specific challenges—both on a temporary and permanentbasis—in the practical part of current foreign policy.For Russia, the experience of implementing and managing such a technological unit could be applied in severaldifferent areas, united by the impossibility or difficulty of carrying out activities through traditional diplomaticchannels in a particular political and geographical area. One of the most suitable locations for the application of suchefforts is the polity of Kosovo, where the work of the Russian diplomatic mission is not being carried out for formalreasons that are understandable but lag behind the rapidly changing conditions of international life. As a result,there is a risk that future work in the region will need to start from scratch or even make up lost ground. But this isjust one, and the most obvious, example of the need to virtualize a diplomatic mission. The current crisis has revealedthe contours of much larger areas that are now inaccessible to Moscowʼs traditional diplomatic activity but requireconstant attention and systematic work. An alternative could be a virtual space—as a launching pad for dialogue andthen transformed into complementary and reinforcing tools of presence and influence. The successful experience ofRussian media abroad speaks for the high potential and good chances of these new directions. This article was submitted 27.07.2023 |
Regional Processes
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48–73
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The purpose of this study is to assess the impact of participation by Asia-Pacific countries (APCs) in the GeneralAgreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO) on their reciprocal trade from 1993–2021. The reduction of various barriers due to the APCs’ participation in the GATT/WTO, as well as in tradeagreements, has contributed to the fact that, over the past three decades, trade in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) hasbecome predominantly intra-regional. The estimates developed by the author point to the long-term, positive impactof membership in the GATT/WTO on the trade of the APCs, explaining the dominance of the effect of globalizationover the effect of regionalization. The processes of globalization and regionalization in the APR were neither conflictingnor complementary to each other. The results show that the effects of the APCs’ participation in the GATT/WTO contributed to an increase in intra-regional trade by 129% and to an 11% increase in the entry into force oftrade agreements. The results also show that bilateral (direct) participation of APCs in the GATT/WTO led to anincrease in intra-regional trade by 46%, and unilateral (indirect) participation—by 110%. These results prove theimportance of countries’ participation in the GATT/WTO for creating a relatively free area for trade in the APR,reducing various restrictive measures and intensifying intra-regional trade. Estimates of the border effect confirm thereduction of total barriers in interactions between the APCs in the long term. The article shows that the discussionand creation of various trade formats, including the largest in terms of coverage of the participating countries, on theone hand, can contribute to the fragmentation of the trade and economic system of the APR; on the other hand, itcreates conditions for further liberalization of trade relations, complementing the functions of the WTO. The authorsuggests that participation in the WTO may allow Russia to use the mechanisms of globalization to discuss the easingof restrictions, as well as to increase trade with countries that do not implement strong restrictions on the Russianeconomy, including some of APCs.
This article was submitted 12.06.2023 |
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74–91
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In the last decade, the notion of sovereignty has been increasingly used in public discussions. A variety of actors areappealing to it, from systemic actors looking for ways to overcome the global governance and security crisis to sovereigntistsprotesting universalism and the weakening of the role of the state. Under these conditions, the transformationof sovereignty within integration associations is of particular interest. The concept of “strategic sovereignty” has appearedin the discourse of the most advanced among them, the European Union (EU). Among the challenges to thissovereignty, Brussels puts emphasis on the policies of China and Russia. The latter also actively appeals to the notionof sovereignty and is itself the core of another integration association—the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Fromthe very creation of the Eurasian Customs Union, it has been emphasized that it borrows from the experience of theEU and aims to become a nexus in interlinking regional integration agreements across Eurasia. In the context of theconflict between Russia and the West, the EU and the EAEU are increasingly opposed to each other.This study is focused on identifying the features of the transformation of sovereignty in integration associationsbased on the example of the EU and the EAEU. The analytical focus of the evaluation of the two models is set by theconcept of four dimensions of sovereignty by S. Krasner and the phenomenon of supranationality. As the study shows,the transformation of sovereignty is not limited to the transfer of power to supranational bodies. In the EU, sovereigntyis shared among the levels of this political community, forming a multilevel system of governance. Regarding theEAEU, the literature is dominated by the opinion that the sovereignty of the participating countries is indisputable,and the association itself is purely interstate in nature. Indeed, there are practically insurmountable obstacles totransferring the issues of organization of power to other levels by the EAEU states. At the same time, different dimensionsof sovereignty here were affected by asymmetric relations with Russia even before the formation of the EAEU.The union was created on the basis and because of these dependencies, but it also transforms them. The study was made possible by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No 22-28-00682, https://rscf.ru/project/22-28-00682/). This article was submitted 20.05.2023 |
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92–106
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This article considers the development of pan-European and Polish asylum policy and control of illegal migration after the peak of the migration crisis in 2015–16. A sharp increase in the migration burden on the European Union (EU) during this period revealed systemic problems of political regulation of migration in the EU and provoked a confrontation of the interests of national and supranational actors. Despite the decline of migration flows from developing countries in Africa and Asia, the migration policy crisis has worsened over time. It is shown that the consistent position of Poland, coupled with the consolidation of the Visegrad Group, had a noticeable impact on the direction of migration policy reform. This study is based on the regulation acts of the EU, the new Migration and Asylum Pact, the diagnostic document of the Polish migration policy, and other programme documents that are positioned as the basis for the upcoming reforms. The results of the analysis of the provisions concerning the asylum policy and the control of illegal migration indicate that a compromise between national and supranational interests is emerging. The documents reviewed give priority to securitization and to reducing the risks of potential migration crises. The key mechanism for the implementation of the latter is the externalization of migration policy by creating a buffer zone in the Balkan countries, North Africa, and Turkey, which will be entrusted to coordinate migration flows and contain them in case of a crisis. Nevertheless, these measures will require not only a significant increase in financial costs, but also an even greater increase in the role of supranational actors, primarily Frontex and the European Union Agency for Asylum, by expanding their powers in EU members. For its part, Poland sees this as a challenge to national sovereignty, as well a risk to national and regional security. The confrontation of national and supranational interests carries risks for the much-needed reform of the aspects of migration policy under consideration and decreases the chances of successfully overcoming possible migration crisis.
The research is supported by Russian Science Foundation under the grant № 22-18-00123: https://rscf.ru/en/project/22-18-00123/
This article was submitted 15.06.2023
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107–119
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Africa’s aspiration for integration exceeds that of any other continent. This goal has resulted in an unsustainablesituation in which African countries frequently belong to two or more regional entities. It is vital to emphasize thatregardless of the shared objectives of any African regional economic community, most members will prioritize theirnational interests over anything else. As a result of this predicament, some countries, such as Zambia, have chosena strategy of overlapping membership, belonging to various organizations within the region. The study’s goal is toobjectively examine overlapping membership as a benefit and a barrier to regional integration. This article uses Zambia’sexperience in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Common Market for Easternand Southern Africa (COMESA) as a case study. This article examines Zambia’s overlapping membership in theseregional economic communities (RECs) using realist theory and integration theory. The authors find that, whileZambia is an active participant and reaps benefits in both regional communities, being a dual member of SADC andCOMESA presents economic and legal challenges.
This article was submitted 17.01.2023
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120–141
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Moscow-Ankara relations have been experiencing an unprecedented level of partnership simultaneously with aplethora of disputes between the actors. They have managed to continue cooperation without letting the emergingdisagreements cause crises similar to the Su-24 Jet incident of 2015. This study examines Russian-Turkish relationssince 2016 to expose how this alignment emerged and how the two actors operate in this partnership. After reviewingthe literature that highlights the limitations and fragility of the cooperation, the authors shed light on the ideationalconvergence that allowed the alignment, arguing that it served as the basis of the current pragmatist and personalisticrelations. Moreover, four main characteristics of this alignment are explained: risk-aversion as the priority, relianceon personalistic relations between the leaders, focus on resolving issues among themselves instead of including nonregionalactors, and economic pragmatism. Then, the risks that could potentially cause a collapse of this partnershipare discussed, emphasizing the danger caused by the accumulation of unresolved disputes and political uncertaintiesin bilateral relations. The authors argue that under the current conditions, the partnership is fragile and will be testedby upcoming challenges.
This article was submitted 30.03.20223 |
Trends in Regulation Development
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142–162
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In most countries, regulation of digital platforms and ecosystems has emerged quite recently. This regulation shouldconsider the specifics of platform business models, characterized by network effects, access to big data, assets mobilityand lightness, and large economies of scale and scope.This article examines the trends in global economy digitalization, as well as factors and directions of digitalplatformsʼ impact on different economic indicators. The analysis serves as the basis for conceptual recommendationsto improve regulation of digital platforms in Russia.Key recommendations are related to the development and legislative adoption of definitions for digital platformsand ecosystems, the development of special measures to support national platforms (based on certain criteria fortheir classification as national enterprises), the amendment in, and improvement to, antimonopoly regulation, andthe establishment of interdepartmental coordination and interaction with relevant stakeholders.
The article was written on the basis of the RANEPA state assignment research programme
This article was submitted 28.07.2023 |
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163–185
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Digital platforms serve as an effective ground for trade in goods and services, which stimulates the development of advertisingon the Internet. Platforms provide advertising spaces, connect advertising distributors and advertisers as operatorsof advertising networks, and collect data to provide personalized advertising and to enhance marketing efficiency.This article analyzes three aspects of the digital platformʼs responsibility in the distribution of advertising onthe Internet.In the first aspect, the article compares approaches in Russia to those in foreign countries regarding the responsibilityof digital platforms distributing advertisement in their capacity as advertiser or information intermediaries.In Russia (as in China), the platforms are held responsible for placing unfair advertising, because the platformsmoderate such advertising. At the same time other countries (the U.S., those of the European Union (EU)) implementthe principle of limited liability for information intermediaries when publishing advertising, if the platform does notimpact on the content of such advertising and does not know about the distribution of illegal advertising.In the second aspect, the article surveys the obligations of platforms for ensuring the traceability of advertising,maintaining registries with information about advertising, and ensuring compliance and organizing a risk analysissystem to prevent anti-competitive and other illegal behaviour.The third aspect of the study considers the compliance of digital platforms with the regime of personal data byproviding personalized advertising services.The research methods used in the work include comparative analysis of legal acts and law enforcement practicein Russia and in foreign countries, as well as analysis of recommendations of international organizations, in particularthe Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The article was prepared as part of the research work of the state task of the RANEPA
This article was submitted 11.05.2023
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186–204
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The origins of this problem lie in the fact that there is still no developed framework to regulate the process of assessingthe sustainable development of companies. However, more and more international actors are becoming involved inthis issue in order to increase confidence in the assessments of ESG rating providers. For example, codes of conductfor data and ESG ratings providers1 have already been issued by the United Kingdom (UK), the European Union(EU), India, and Japan. The Central Bank of Russia also issued an information letter on the regulation of the activitiesof ESG rating providers in the summer of 2023.This article studies the problem of ESG ratingsʼ divergence and determines ways to solve it through the developmentof regulatory control. It also studies the main trends in the legislative regulation of this institution in order toimplement them into the Russian regulatory framework. In this regard, an analysis of work by Russian and foreign researchers devoted to the study of differences inESG ratings was carried out; additionally, the main approaches of international organizations and legislative bodiesof Russia and other countries in the sphere of regulating ESG information providers and mandatory non-financialreporting of companies were studied. The main problems affecting the reduction of ESG data correlation are identified,solutions for them are proposed, and the key trends in improving the comparability of ESG ratings by internationalactors are noted. The comparative legal method was used in the study.The analysis shows that international actors resolve the problem of divergence by increasing their interpretability,but not through strict regulation. They propose to develop basic recommendations regarding methodologies,evaluation criteria, and weighting factors, while at the same time consolidating the responsibility of ESG rating agenciesto disclose their methodology, the terminology used, and their rating definitions. The task is to create harmonizedstandards for, and transparency of, the ESG assessment process. The article was prepared as part of the research work of the state task of the RANEPA
This article was submitted 25.05.2023
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Analytical Reviews
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205–219
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Numerous indicators and ratings aimed at assessing and comparing states based on different criteria, such as volumeof gross domestic product (GDP), freedom of speech, gender equality, or attractiveness of local cuisine, have becomean integral part of contemporary communications and international relations. Country rankings can be used as abasis for agenda setting, political influence, or developing approaches to global governance. National governmentssometimes use rankings developed by international intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, or insome cases by business entities, as benchmarks for their countriesʼ development and national scorecards and indexes.Or, if the ratings are considered unsatisfactory, governments can distance themselves from such reports, accusingtheir authors of political bias.Lately, the phenomena of international indicators and ratings, the principles behind their development, andtheir influence and usage in the context of global governance have attracted attention of researchers specializing ininternational relations and other social science disciplines.This article examines different theoretical approaches to analyzing the phenomena of indexes and ratings andprovides evaluation of the phenomena. The author focuses on the premises for the increasing interest in comparativeapproaches and emergence of newly developed ratings and indexes, highlights limitations and weaknesses of suchapproaches, and examines new trends in the field and possible scenarios of its future development in the context ofcurrent global transformations. The article was prepared within the project "Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation" supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783) This article was submitted 02.07.2023 |
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